Migrants, even France has second thoughts: more border defence, ad hoc ministry ready

The paradigm shift of Europe, especially of socialist governments, in the conception of Europe itself, regarding its remoteness from the concrete issues of citizens, the change of pace of the left regarding the management of immigration and the fight against irregular flows, has been discussed a lot in recent days, also in this newspaper. Mario Draghi’s call for realpolitik, which called for progressivism to come closer to the real needs of citizens, is the latest example of how the demands of the right, branded as Eurosceptic, are only now, with culpable delay, being taken into account by those who, challenged by the reality of the facts, struggle to maintain their status quo. Demands such as overcoming the conception of a European Union as a bureaucratic giant, regulating the smallest aspect of everyday life but incapable of standing strong internationally and guaranteeing the interests of its citizens.

The turnaround on the green

The woke, green and no-border follies have sunk our culture, our economy and undermined our security. And if, on the woke world, the Union still seems to be locked in its ideological bubble (just think of the project entitled Dragtivism reserved for under-18s), on green and immigration important stances are being taken. Mario Draghi himself, a few days ago, illustrated the plan that Europe will have to follow on environmental issues, explaining that there can be no ecological transition if this will only be to the detriment, economically speaking, of citizens: “Without a plan to transfer the benefits of decarbonisation to end users,” he wrote in his report, “energy prices will continue to weigh on growth. Now let it not be said that Draghi is a dangerous fascist and climate change denier, but the former prime minister has nonetheless given an important lesson to the gretins scattered across the continent.

Pd isolated

On immigration, the change of pace is total. From Europe, which follows Giorgia Meloni’s indications on the fight against traffickers of human beings in the Mediterranean, to Germany, which, concerned, again with guilty delay, by the growing risk of jihadist and anti-Semitic attacks, has tightened its borders and sent back home the first dangerous foreign detainees convicted of serious crimes, the left-wing governments have understood that opening the borders without adequate controls even to those who have no right to enter, was not the best strategy for the security of our cities. On this (also in response to the caducous criticism of Italy’s isolation in Europe) only the Italian left has remained the only convinced one in the entire continent: with Germany turning back and the Scandinavian countries suffering from a past excessive tolerance towards irregular immigration, the PD is the only one left to support the no-border cause.

First signals from France

Even in France, the home of Macronian progressivism and inclusiveness, there seems to be a desire to impose strict limitations on the entry of irregular immigrants. With more than 7 million immigrants, the French population is now made up of a large proportion of foreigners and second- and third-generation immigrants. And if peaceful coexistence works in some cities, entire neighbourhoods are instead in the hands of foreign groups that are unable or unwilling to integrate with the rest of the population: it is there, in those neighbourhoods, in the banlieues, that multiculturalism fails every day. That is why the new French premier, Gaullist Michel Barnier, has a clear new strategy: ‘Control migration flows with concrete measures‘. There in France the situation is politically very heated: Macron has managed to keep both the lepenists and Melenchon’s radical left out of the government and Barnier’s government programme is still to be written. But now the Republican cannot repudiate his past as a fierce opponent of irregular entry, something appreciated by the right and which infuriates Melenchon, who had triumphed in the second round of the elections thanks to the votes of second and third generation immigrants(those who took to the streets to daub monuments and set fire to flowerbeds and rubbish bins). The right is now pushing for the reconstitution of a ministry totally dedicated to migration issues, like the one Sarkozy wanted in 2007 after the banlieue crisis. And if even from France something is moving, it means that the Italian left is destined to remain the only one still locking itself in its ideological barriers.

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