The plan for a new Iran: «Constituent assembly and free elections»

Iran stands at a historic crossroads. On one side is the Ayatollahs’ regime, which for more than forty years has crushed its people with medieval laws, violence, and corruption. On the other are millions of women and men who are no longer afraid to chant in the streets the slogan that has echoed across the world: “Woman, Life, Freedom | Man, Homeland, Prosperity.”

It is in this context that the Iran Prosperity Project (IPP) emerges, unveiled in late July by the National Conference for Democracy in Iran (NUFDI). A 169-page document that does not merely imagine a different future, but sets out in detail the strategy for governing the first 100-180 days after the fall of the Islamic Republic. This is not academic theory—it is concrete politics: a plan to turn an uprising into a rebirth.

The IPP is conceived as a roadmap to prevent the collapse of the regime from spiraling into chaos. Recent history teaches that revolutions, if unguided, risk producing monsters worse than the tyrants they overthrew. Post-Saddam Iraq and the Arab Spring turned civil wars are reminders enough. Hence the urgency of a plan that speaks not only to the Iranian people, but also to the international community, which must decide whether to stand with freedom or keep turning a blind eye to Tehran’s crimes.

At the center of the project is a transitional system led by Prince Reza Pahlavi, heir to the last Shah, designated by the IPP as the “Leader of the National Uprising.” It is a choice that will be debated: some see him as a symbol of unity, able to rally monarchists, republicans, and ordinary citizens weary of the regime; others fear that the word “monarchy” remains divisive. Yet the truth is that in a time of transition, a recognizable figure is indispensable—one who can lend credibility abroad and hope at home. The alternative, with its clear Marxist ideology, is by definition incompatible with democracy and would amount to nothing more than a continuation of the current regime.

The project rests on three pillars: the National Insurrection Council, with legislative functions; the Transitional Government, holding executive authority; and the Transitional Divan, a judicial body with a Truth Commission tasked with confronting the crimes of the ayatollahs.

The roadmap is tightly drawn: within four months, two popular referendums—one to decide the form of government, democratic monarchy or republic, and another on the fate of the leaders of the old regime, whether public trials or amnesty. Next comes the election of a Constituent Assembly, charged with drafting a new constitution within 6-12 months, to be ratified by referendum. Finally, elections would be held for a new parliament, the Mahestan, marking the close of the transitional phase. An ambitious timeline, certainly, but a necessary one if the revolution is not to be hijacked by power-hungry nostalgics or foreign interests.

Perhaps the most innovative element concerns the law. Instead of scrapping every law of the Islamic Republic, which would create a dangerous legal vacuum, or preserving them all, which would betray the revolutionary spirit, the IPP proposes a hybrid option: retain the basic legal framework to ensure continuity, but immediately repeal those laws that embody repression. No more compulsory dress codes for women. No more capital punishment and corporal penalties. No more censorship of the internet and the press. It is a smart compromise: continuity to avoid collapse, combined with strong and immediate signals that a new chapter has truly begun.

The plan is pragmatic—focused on security, the economy, social services, and international relations. Yet it does not neglect the power of symbols, essential in any revolution. Using Persian words such as Mahestan and Divan in place of foreign terms restores dignity to Iran’s language and culture, stolen for decades by the ayatollahs’ ideology. Organizing referendums and elections means giving the people back what they have been denied for generations: the right to decide their own destiny.

Of course, the challenges are enormous. Organizing free and fair votes in a matter of months in a country emerging from revolution will demand extraordinary coordination. Temporarily maintaining some of the old regime’s laws could frustrate those who expect instant change. Above all, Iran will need international backing—recognition, sanctions relief, investment. Without it, yet another revolution risks ending in tragedy.

And yet, despite these hurdles, the IPP shines as a beacon. It proves that Iranian freedom is not a utopia but a tangible project. That the people who gave the world poets like Rumi and philosophers like Avicenna can finally shake off the yoke of a dark theocracy and reclaim their place as protagonists of their own history. The West cannot turn away: to support the Iranian people is to defend not only the freedom of a nation, but the very values of civilization.

The Emergency Phase | IPP is not perfect—no plan ever is. But it is a path. And as the Persian proverb goes: “Where there is a will, there is a way.” Today, the will of the Iranian people burns stronger than ever.

It is now up to the West to stand with them.

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Alessandro Nardone
Alessandro Nardone
Consulente in comunicazione strategica, esperto di branding politico e posizionamento internazionale, è autore di 12 libri. Inviato in tutte le campagne elettorali USA dopo aver fatto il giro del mondo come Alex Anderson, il candidato fake alle presidenziali americane del 2016.

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